One of the three million Americans in 1789 were slaves, and most of them likely were illiterate (even though state laws that required them to be illiterate had not yet been enacted). But most of the remaining Americans likely were literate for the simple fact that many, if not most Americans, at the time wanted to be able to read the Bible.
Granted, I concede the point.
The franchise likely was not as limited as you are thinking when the Constitution was ratified. The Constitution says that the qualifications for the electors of the U.S. House of Representatives (the only part of the federal government that was originally popularly elected) could not be any more stringent than the requirements for electors for the larger house of each state?s legislature. So voting requirements varied from state to state. None of the states (to my knowledge) had literacy requirements for voting at the time. Some (but I am not sure all) states had property requirements to vote at the time, but the requirements were not uniform from state to state. And since America was short on labor and rich on land, anyone who was willing to work for a few years could easily own enough property to meet whatever property requirements were in place for voting.
Note: The American people did not vote directly for the Constitution. The voters in each state selected delegates to a convention that would decide whether or not their state ratified the Constitution.
Of course women did not have the franchise at this time. That meant that the approximately half of the population that was female could not vote. Since only males that were of the age of majority could vote, that farther diminished the franchised. Amerindians and slaves were also excluded. As for the property owners who so easily gained the franchise. Probably true in New England more than any other area. Not so true in other areas. Philadelphia had a high property requirement which pretty much excluded everyone but the oligarchy. The South was dominated by the aristocracy of land. I think we can assume that eligible voters were in the minority. I haven?t the patience to find out by how much.
You are talking yourself in circles. First you say "The Federalist Papers were political propaganda to convince the minority of the American electorate who could both read and vote to support the adoption of the Constitution" and now you say the Federalist Papers merely reflected the prevailing public opinion of the day. The Federalist Papers cannot be both.
I take it that semantics was not one of your college courses, and if logic was, your teacher should have been ashamed for passing you. I suggest you reexamine my statement. Your restatement of my statement is in gross error.
And apparently I am better informed on that subject than you are; I?ve actually studied the matter since my bachelor?s degree in biology comes with 40 credit hours in history.
Which puts you at a disadvantage, apparently you have much that I can learn from you, and little that you can learn from me.
Oh? How many college history courses have you taken?
None, I?m a high school dropout.
One that I listed.
Then explain what rights we Americans gained by the Revolution that we had not previously had as British subjects up to the year 1763?
My argument applied to Englishmen in England. There they had the press gangs for example.
Rights are a tricky subject. They imply that there is choice, free will, if you will. In addition, there are ontological issues.
I noticed the year 1763. That?s when things started to go downhill in the American colonies.
In the normal context in which the words are used, the Colonials had no rights before the revolution. They had privileges. The curtailment of these privileges is what brought about the revolution. After the revolution, the Bill of Rights and the Constitution gave a framework for assumed rights.
In Great Briton of that time, rights came from precedent and tradition, but they were in the context of a King who was God?s vicar on Earth.
Actually, no document gives rights, and rights as the term was used by Jefferson, can not be granted by legislatures, they can only be recognized. However in the normal context, after the Revolution privilege was replaced by declared rights.
The relevance is that teenagers are not physically or mentally mature enough to be trusted behind the wheel of an automobile.
I would say that that is true for some teenagers but not all. However, since there is no reliable way to establish maturity, obviously if this set were to be removed from the roadways, it would decrease the death toll. This is incontrovertible because this is a the most dangerous age for drivers, with the possible exception of the senile. It is quite probably that you would save more than three thousand people a year by doing this. Yet, the government shows no interest whatsoever in doing this even though it is an easily implemented option. Therefore it would seem that the government is not really concerned with saving three thousand lives a year, unless it can be used as an excuse to grab political power.
This is precisely what I said. Teenagers are not mature enough to drive as safely as adults, but society allows them to drive anyway- and restricting automobile use by teenagers for the sake of public safety is precisely the kind of law that internet conservatives, i.e., libertarians, complain about on the grounds that it somehow violates people?s liberty.
If I had my way the voting age, driving age and drinking age would all be 21.
If you raised the age of citizenship to 21 as you suggest, then the argument of infringing on rights is moot. We do not grant those below the age of citizen the normal rights of a citizen. I really can?t see where there is a valid argument against your proposal as a violation of individual rights. The only exception might be over the age at which one is capable of being a citizen. Obviously, there is an upward limit on setting the bar for citizenship. Still, it was 21 years of age for a very long time in the United States.